|
Vice-President Cassim Chilumpha is playing with the minds of Malawians.
He withdrew a contempt case against government and others yesterday and he has already won sympathisers. But in doing so, he has been inconsistent.
He has a court case against his boss, President Bingu wa Mutharika. It’s part of civilisation to resolve disputes in court of law. But, at the same time, Chilumpha is seeking alternative dispute resolution, while the court case on the “constructive resignation” is running.
“Let’s leave court issues aside. What we are talking about are simple facts—that myself as Vice-President and the President have to talk,” he said. “I will do everything in my powers so that we can meet.”
If that doesn’t sound enough evidence that Chilumpha is, in a way, looking for out of court resolution, then sample this sentence.
“I don’t want someone to stand between the President and myself,” said Chilumpha. The immediate question is where does this leave the court handling the dispute over Mutharika’s acceptance of Chilumpha’s constructive resignation?
Chilumpha seems to have realised that this is a political issue that needs a political solution whose verdict might not be as binding as a court ruling.
And Chilumpha is working towards that end. His recent actions are at two levels. His presence at Kamuzu International Airport on Sunday and plan to live in Lilongwe, are on the surface, a means to show he is not absconding from work as claimed by President Bingu wa Mutharika and, in the deeper sense, to gain public sympathy which is crucial in politics.
Chilumpha was prevented from welcoming the President but remained courageous. “Definitely,” he said, “I will always attend such functions. It is my responsibility.”
It’s easy to blame government, and Mutharika specifically, for avoiding Chilumpha. But reasoning that makes a difference would also note that Mutharika has national interests to protect and has more information—true and false—on his deputy than most people do.
If the differences between the two are not for the sake of protecting such interests then this country has a hopeless President.
People can only trust that Mutharika shunned Chilumpha for the country’s welfare which includes the President’s own welfare. He swore to protect Malawi, after all.
Mutharika and his government cannot just have such a stone heart. The administration needs to be consistent. The President has not changed his mind on the “constructive resignation”. The two are fighting both in and out of court.
A handshake or a hug, at a war time like this, could have sent confusing messages to people. War is about elimination of enemies and survival of self.
Chilumpha worked the first months of his Vice-Presidency but later stayed away from Cabinet meetings for eight months, says Mutharika.
The Vice-President said his office was underfunded hence he could not attend state functions. His vehicles had no fuel, he said. Yet he was able to go to Mangochi and Ntaja. Now Chilumpha, with his underfunded office, can afford an air ticket to Lilongwe to welcome his boss.
The Vice-President needed fuel for three vehicles from Blantyre to Lilongwe and back, air tickets for two and allowances for himself and staff.
Where has money come from now? That is the immediate question because all along he said his office was underfunded which was partly true but not the whole reason why he failed to attend public events.
And there is a real question: Why this courage to attend state functions now?
Of course, he is right. The country cannot go on like this. The two hold the future of about 10 million Malawians.
But why did the situation have to reach this deadlock? Chilumpha is now looking for political solutions he has been avoiding. He wants people to think he is working and fault government. He will succeed to an extent. But Mutharika is not ready.
Civil society leaders, in a press release, supported the “constructive resignation” but were appalled by the way government treated the Vice-President.
Both government and Chilumpha camps are at war and the first combat rule is survival. Each one of them wants to politically live beyond this feud and, if possible, come out without political scars.
This is a bit unusual and late. He needed to do this in February, 2005, when Mutharika left the UDF, a party that sponsored him in the 2004 presidential elections.
Then Chilumpha should have sought the advice of the President on how the two would work together since they belonged to different parties. That was a time to clinch a deal.
One would say Chilumpha was supposed to talk to the President soon after inauguration, to congratulate him on his speech that won hearts of his critics.
“Your excellency, your speech was powerful,” Chilumpha should have said. “Let us discuss.”
Such a talk could have forged a healthy working relationship and, most likely, avoided the differences being witnessed today.
But as it seems, even a gentlemanly talk was impossible, because the two have different philosophies. They are mutually exclusive. This also goes down to Muluzi. What was his aim when he paired Mutharika with Chilumpha?
It’ simple to understand the reason why Chilumpha is being inconsistent by fighting in court and seeking out of court negotiations. He is desperate because the key to this dispute resolution is Mutharika. But Chilumpha ought to be clear.
Either he withdraws the court case or let the judiciary do their work and never talk about meeting Mutharika.
The feud between Mutharika and Chilumpha is as complicated as a spider web. It requires the patience of a snail to unmake and stretch the threads in this web.
It is meanwhile within reason to conclude that it’s hopeless for Mutharika and Chilumpha to work together again, if at all they once did so, and that even if Chilumpha Constitutionally remains Vice-President, he will politically remain fired.
|
